By Emilio Gentile
Through the twentieth century, Italy skilled a few regrettable political advancements. It was once the 1st ecu kingdom after international conflict I during which a mass militia-party of progressive nationalism accomplished energy and abolished parliamentary democracy with the objective of creating a totalitarian kingdom. It used to be additionally the 1st in Europe to institutionalize the sacralization of politics and to have fun formally the cult of the chief as a demi-God. those achievements weren't injuries. because the starting of the 20 th century, Italian nationalist activities, from the nationwide radicalism of l. a. Voce to futurist nationalism and fascism, fostered one of many most powerful waves of ecu right-wing radicalism.The disagreement among nationalism and modernity is without doubt one of the major keys to knowing to the diversifications of Italian radical nationalism from modernist avant-gardes as much as the fascist regime. This publication analyzes the ideological undercurrents and cultural myths that unite these kind of activities. taking a look at Italian nationalism from its risorgimento roots to the neo-fascist historical past, Gentile considers the connection among delusion and association within the making of the fascist nation, the function of the celebration, the liturgy of mass politics in Italy, the fascist organisations overseas, and the perspective of fascist tradition towards the us.
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Additional resources for The Struggle for Modernity: Nationalism, Futurism, and Fascism (Italian and Italian American Studies)
U. Ojetti, ‘Riflessi letterarii dell’affare Dreyfus’, Il Marzocco, 22 July 1906. 42. See Walter L. Adamson, Avant-Garde Florence. From Modernism to Fascism (Cambridge, MA 1993), 103–52. 43. See H. ), Romain Rolland et le mouvement florentin de ‘La Voce’ (Paris 1966); B. Sommalvico, ‘Lettere di Georges Sorel a Giuseppe Prezzolini’ in D. Rüesch and B. ), 551–752. 44. G. Prezzolini, ‘Charles Péguy e i Cahiers de la Quinzaine’, Il Commento, 20 April 1910; see also M. Cantelmo and L. Magi, ‘Péguy in Italia: la mediazione di Prezzolini’ in Péguy oggi (Lecce 1977), 636–57; R.
A. Anzilotti, La crisi spirituale della democrazia (Faenza 1912), 47. Anzilotti was one of the main collaborators of La Voce. 54. Viriato, ‘Gli albori di una repubblica’, La Voce, 21 November 1912. 55. B. Mussolini to G. Prezzolini, 20 July 1912 in E. ), Mussolini e ‘La Voce’ (Firenze 1976), 56. 56. B. Mussolini, Opera omnia, edited by E. and D. Susmel (Florence 1951–63), VI, 172. 57. , III, 270. La Voce had a decisive influence upon Mussolini’s cultural formation. Several elements of the new political culture of La Voce later became components of fascist culture.
Moreover, their different fates were not only due to contingent reasons but were also the consequence of their diverse natures. In reconstructing the history of the Italian avant-gardes in the first years of the twentieth century, historians and critics have often tended to attenuate the differences between them in order to accentuate their similarities, especially as regards their relationship to politics or the political consequences of their ideas. 28 The Struggle for Modernity In general this happens when fascism is the reference point of the discussion.