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This significant paintings of educational reference offers the 1st entire survey of political suggestion in Europe, North the USA and Asia within the century following the French Revolution. Written through a exotic workforce of overseas students, this Cambridge background is the most recent in a chain of volumes firmly validated because the valuable reference resource for the background of political proposal. In a sequence of scholarly yet available essays, each significant subject in nineteenth-century political idea is roofed, together with political economic system, faith, democratic radicalism, nationalism, socialism and feminism. the amount additionally comprises reviews of significant figures, together with Hegel, Mill, Bentham and Marx, and biographical notes on each major philosopher within the interval. Of curiosity to scholars and students of politics and background in any respect degrees, this quantity explores seismic adjustments within the languages and expectancies of politics accompanying political revolution, industrialisation and imperial enlargement and less-noted continuities in political and social considering.

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To stray from the unity of God’ (quoted in Goldstein 1988, p. 50). He used the preface to his Th´eorie to show that popular sovereignty was nonsensical and not supported by history. Men who have been honoured with the title of political metaphysicians and in whom all the metaphysics is the obscurity of a false mind, and all politics the desire of a corrupted heart, have put forward that sovereignty resides in the people. This is a general or abstract proposition; but when one wants to find the application in history, one finds that the people has never been and never can be a sovereign: because where would be the subjects when the people is sovereign?

It is also problematic, given that Holmes includes Montesquieu on the side of the ‘liberals’ against the ‘antiliberals’, when, as we have seen, Montesquieu was in fact an important source for counter-revolutionary ideas. Calling Maistre and other counterrevolutionaries ‘antiliberal’ – like calling them ‘fascist’ – is, in any case, less accurate than calling them anti-democratic. Maistre himself referred to his ‘antidemocratic ideas’ (Lucas 1989, p. 107). Even those on the pragmatic end of the counter-revolutionary spectrum, such as Gentz and Mallet du Pan (who approved Pope’s dictum that ‘For forms of government, let fools contest’), were hostile to any claims of the sovereignty of the people, which 6 This observation is made by Goldstein 1988, p.

The choice, for Maistre, was ‘not between liberalism and tyranny but between legitimate authoritarianism and totalitarian tyranny’ (Spektorowski 2002, p. 302). Far more terrible for Maistre than the executioner was what he called the state advocated by the ‘cowardly “optimists” of the Directory, a state in which no law was enforced, in which people committed suicide out of sheer demoralisation’ (Maistre 1994, p. 86). 19 Bee Wilson The point of politics, in Maistre’s view – which the Revolution illustrated for him in horrible detail – was to manage disorder and violence.

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