By Deniz Coskun
This publication describes the guideline of legislation because the reign of persuasion instead of the reign of strength, and democracy because the reign through persuasion instead of the reign through strength. It synthesizes an enormous quantity of present Cassirer-literature and makes a contribution to jurisprudence. The booklet is the 1st systematic elaboration on legislations as a symbolic shape and it sheds new mild on a nonetheless darkish region of highbrow and jurisprudential notion.
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Additional resources for Law as Symbolic Form: Ernst Cassirer and the anthropocentric view of law (Law and Philosophy Library)
In this respect, we focus on Cassirer’s encounter with Albert Schweitzer when in exile in England and explicate the influence of Albert Schweitzer’s work upon that of Cassirer. After his encounter with Schweitzer, Cassirer was compelled to express his view of why individual human rights are so important and necessary, especially at times of crises. In philosophy the crisis of the intellectual era expressed itself by the rise of the so-called ‘Life Philosophy’ movement. Cassirer holds life philosophy responsible for the failure of philosophy to keep culture alert in upholding its ideals.
Cited and referred to by: Paulson, 2006, pp. 34–35. , 2006, p. 35. Kahn, 1999, especially Chapter 2. 42 CHAPTER 1 for the ideals it represented are a continuing point of reference in contemporary debate on the foundations of law and society. In addition, it was the aim of the Nazi regime to come to power by legal means. 57 In other words, the Nazi regime never abolished the Weimar Constitution, because they never expressly and legally cancelled it. ” Furthermore, it is a proposition that is not valid (when extrapolated) on a universal level.
Cf. Sontheimer, 1962; cf. Scheuerman, 1996, pp. 5 ff. , Die >>Vertrauenskrise der Justiz<< in der Weimarer Republik, in: Föllmer, 2005, pp. 139–163; here: p. 150. , 2005, p. 156. Ringer, 1969, p. 252. , 1969, pp. 436–448. , 1969, p. 521. Remarkably most of the Nazi-voters were not the unemployed – they voted mainly Communist – but that part of the workingclass that the traditional left-wing parties failed to reach, viz. nonunionized, rural laborers, civil cervants wary of their social-economic status, and the self-employed (including small farmers).