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By Stacie E. Goddard

In Jerusalem and northern eire, territorial disputes have usually appeared indivisible, not able to be solved via negotiation, and vulnerable to violence and warfare. This publication demanding situations the normal knowledge that those conflicts have been the inevitable results of clashing identities, religions, and attachments to the land. to the contrary, it was once radical political rhetoric, and never historic hatreds, that rendered those territories indivisible. Stacie Goddard strains the roots of territorial indivisibility to politicians' suggestions for legitimating their claims to territory. while bargaining over territory, politicians make the most of rhetoric to attract their household audiences and undercut the claims in their rivals. in spite of the fact that, this process has unintentional effects; via resonating with a few coalitions and showing unacceptable to others, politicians' rhetoric can lock them into positions within which they're not able to acknowledge the legitimacy in their opponent's calls for. hence, politicians come to negotiations with incompatible claims, developing territory as indivisible.

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Extra resources for Indivisible Territory and the Politics of Legitimacy: Jerusalem and Northern Ireland

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The fact that key actors have a choice in their legitimation strategy raises two questions important to a theory of indivisibility. First, why do actors choose particular legitimation strategies? If some actors have access to a range of legitimation strategies, this raises the question of why actors adopt some legitimation strategies and not others. Second, how do legitimation strategies lock actors into any particular position? Why is it that actors, who may choose legitimation strategies at one point in time, find themselves trapped into positions where compromise is impossible?

74 Legitimation strategies’ effects depend on a configuration of variables; outcomes depend on how these strategies interact with extant networks. These causal interactions are neither linear nor constant. Whereas legitimation strategies might produce indivisibility when used in certain networks, they may fail to have any causal effect in others. Methodologically, if we try to reduce causality to the properties of a particular variable, we miss the fact that it is the interaction of these factors that leads to shifts in divisibility.

March and Olsen 1989. On legitimacy and constructivism, see Hall 1999; and Bukovansky 2002. 28 Indivisible Territory and the Politics of Legitimacy define appropriate rules of behavior and even the identities of actors themselves. In following social norms, therefore, actors are compelled to accept legitimate bargains and reject illegitimate ones, even if this undermines their material interests. Despite their substantive differences, these approaches share a strict dichotomy between interests and power on the one hand and legitimacy on the other.

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