By M. Laruelle
This publication deconstructs the equation of nationalism with the intense correct in Russia. Nationalism now extends all through all of the country and cannot be obvious as a phenomenon constrained to the margins of society. This learn rejects the translation that is aware Kremlin-backed patriotism as easily a part of a fascist pattern in Russia and as a rapprochement among the political gurus and the intense correct. A simplistic research of any such paradoxical phenomenon addresses neither the elemental factor of social consensus nor that of the inherent dating among nationwide id and citizenship.
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Extra info for In the Name of the Nation: Nationalism and Politics in Contemporary Russia (Series in International Relations and Political Economy)
These past years have also witnessed the emergence of a new reiﬁed category, that of Muslims (musul’mane). Until recently, Islamophobia was not common in Russia: a centuries-long cohabitation with Muslim populations, a positive vision of Russia’s supposed imperial mission, 42 In the Name of the Nation and an underscoring of ethnic rather than religious belonging, all rendered fear of Islam virtually inoperative. But since the beginning of 2000, the phenomenon of Islamophobia has been rapidly developing.
A contrario, its bad results in Moscow and Saint Petersburg (about 50 percent of the vote) conﬁrm that sections of the middle classes are not convinced that the current elite has the ability to properly manage the country’s development. Moreover, Putin’s will to respect the letter but not the spirit of the constitution in refusing to seek a third mandate constituted a considerable challenge for United Russia in its bid to maintain its leadership. The prospect of Putin’s leaving the presidency in 2008 was of great concern, as United Russia was no longer able to found its legitimacy on the sole slogan of being the president’s party.
24 These inﬂuence groups or inner circles, in which public and private interests, corporate and patrimonial beneﬁts, friendships and family relations all entangle, have persisted under Putin’s presidency. 25 Despite this pyramidal restructuring of relations, the Kremlin remains divided among several clans, which have every interest in staying in United Russia and in maintaining a status quo that is currently to their advantage. 26 However, despite their points of opposition, these inﬂuence groups have every interest in remaining part of United Russia and in maintaining the status quo so long as it is favorable to them.