By Benoît Dubreuil
During this booklet, Beno?t Dubreuil explores the construction and destruction of hierarchies in human evolution. Combining the tools of archeology, anthropology, cognitive neuroscience, and primatology, he deals a usual heritage of hierarchies from the perspective of either cultural and organic evolution. This quantity explains why dominance hierarchies average of primate societies disappeared within the human lineage and why the emergence of large-scale societies throughout the Neolithic implied elevated social differentiation, the production of prestige hierarchies, and, ultimately, political centralization.
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Extra resources for Human Evolution and the Origins of Hierarchies: The State of Nature
The interactions are strictly anonymous, and players are told that they will never meet the same players twice. 20 A Passion for Equality? Consequently, they cannot punish each other, but can pay to equalize the income distribution. The results show that income alteration is frequent and that most individuals are ready to pay to reduce the income of top earners and to augment that of bottom earners. As top earners cannot be punished for what they have done, it is reasonable to conclude that income alteration is driven mainly by an aversion to inequality: people want to avoid unequal outcomes, and that is why they are ready to pay to alter the income distribution.
Fairness: Players might punish others for having violated norms of fairness. If they considered themselves personally wronged, punishment can then be conceived as a form of revenge. 4. Equality: Players might punish to promote a more equal outcome or because they have a negative attitude toward players who have more than others. 5. Unexpected unfairness: Players might punish because others have been unexpectedly unfair. 5, I argue that each of these motivations plays a role in punishment, and I discuss how they can be disentangled experimentally.
In contrast, school-aged children focus more on intentions and appreciate the role of agreements in generating obligations. , parents, teachers) to decide which norms are valid, although they recognize that one should not acquiesce in an authority’s wicked desires. Moreover, school-aged children distinguish more aptly than preschool children between the “preferences” of the authority and the rule. Kalish and Cornelius (2007) have argued that, unlike older children, preschoolers tend to assume that intentions, outcomes, and authority are consistent and to use canonical interpretations of social situations.