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By Bent Beche, Peter Lind

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In the first three sections of this chapter, I have attended to the nature of the accusative verb and to the nature of the nominal in object position, unifying the two under overt object raising. 1, I suggested an approach to object clitics in which the clitic hosts the D-feature otherwise encoded in v. In this regard, the behavior of object pronouns is particularly revealing. Plausibly, all object pronouns undergo object raising when they are stressed. Stressed pronouns manifest many of the properties listed at the outset of this chapter for nonpronominal objects in marked accusative.

Juan conoció a un vecino deliberadamente. ' < previous page page_33 If you like this book, buy it! next page > < previous page page_34 next page > Page 34 b. *Juan conoció un vecino\la respuesta deliberadamente. Juan knew a neighbor\the answer deliberately Finally, non-statives can appear in pseudo-cleft constructions, but statives cannot: (21) a. Lo que hizo Juan es conocer a un vecino. What Juan did is to know to a neighbor b. *Lo que Juan hizo es conocer un vecino\la respuesta what Juan did is to know a neighbor\the answer As these examples show, the difference between the active and the stative meanings of Spanish conocer ('know') hinges on marked accusative.

Hence, with arrest the prominence relations among arguments coincide in the two hierarchies, and therefore the agent is projected as the external argument, with the theme projected as the internal argument. < previous page page_35 If you like this book, buy it! next page > < previous page page_36 next page > Page 36 One way to reconcile the cross-linguistic data on quirky Case is to assume that an argument (subject or object) can be lexically or quirky marked when it has thematic or aspectual prominence relative to the other argument.

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