By Gordon Mathews
the belief of ‘national id’ is an ambiguous one for Hong Kong. lower back to the nationwide embody of China on 1 July 1997 after one hundred fifty years as a British colony, the concept that of nationwide id and what it skill to "belong to a country" is an issue of significant rigidity and contestation in Hong Kong. Written by way of 3 educational experts on Hong Kong cultural id, social heritage, and mass media, this publication explores the techniques wherein the folks of Hong Kong are "learning to belong to a state" by means of studying their dating with the chinese language country and kingdom within the contemporary earlier, current, and destiny. It considers the complicated meanings of and debates over nationwide identification in Hong Kong over the last fifty years and particularly over the past decade following Hong Kong’s go back to China. It additionally locations those arguments inside a bigger, worldwide standpoint, to invite what Hong Kong can train us approximately nationwide id and its capability alterations. Multidisciplinary in its process, Hong Kong and China explores nationwide id when it comes to conception, mass media, survey date, ethnography and historical past, and should entice scholars and students of chinese language heritage, cultural stories, and nationalism.
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Extra resources for Hong Kong, China: Learning to Belong to a Nation (Routledge Contemporary China Series)
Politics had now become localized, and in a very real sense this meant that Hong Kong as a real, enduring place had been born. The 1967 riots thus marked the conception, if not the birth, of a distinct Hong Kong identity (Tsang 2004: 183). At the same time, these riots also marked the emergence of a sense in which the cultural “other” was not the colonial order but the mainland Chinese order: China and Hong Kong had begun to be perceived in Hong Kong as belonging to different worlds. The disturbances of the mid-1960s led to the drawing up of a new political agenda, especially for the new generation.
An analogy today might be the Columbian government sending troops to the United States to force acceptance of Columbian cocaine shipments” (Robbins 2002: 85). Hong Kong island was, by British accounts, sparsely populated at the time of its colonization. In a report prepared in 1844, it was stated there were “about 7,500 inhabitants, scattered over 20 fishing hamlets and villages” (Jarman 1996: 9). R. Montgomery Martin, the colonial treasurer of Hong Kong and a historian of British colonies, who prepared that report on Hong Kong and objected to the choice of the island for British occupation, went on to argue that, “on a review of the whole case, there are no assignable grounds for the political or military occupancy of Hong Kong, even if there were no expense attending that occupancy” (Jarman 1996: 16).
Within this group of newly arrived immigrants, some were returnees, who had lived in Hong Kong before the Japanese invasion in World War II, but more came to escape from the civil war in China and the resultant political changes in the mainland, as China became communist. Perhaps because of the political project of containing communism in the Cold War years, as well as the necessity of avoiding tensions with the Chinese population of Hong Kong, the colonial administration, despite tightening its control of the incoming population and issuing personal identity documents in 1949 and border controls in 1950, had kept border controls rather relaxed.