By N. Alexander-Floyd
This compelling e-book examines the interrelationship among gender, race, narrative, and nationalism in black politics in particular and inside of American politics as a complete. Nikol Alexander-Floyd's new paintings highlights the serious position of race and gender, exhibiting how they function to outline political discourse and to figure out public coverage.
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Additional info for Gender, Race, and Nationalism in Contemporary Black Politics (Comparative Feminist Studies)
Example text
56 We cannot understand “the underclass,” for instance, outside of the received wisdom about its origins and nature. The notion of the underclass is itself a narrative production, one that directs our understanding and experience of life in urban centers. ”57 In Gender, Race, and Nationalism in Contemporary Black Politics, I examine the Black cultural pathology narrative and explore the extent to which it frames or mediates our understanding of Black politics, racism, and the Black family. I fuse narrative analysis, a cultural studies approach that has Introduction 13 been integrated across disciplines, to produce an interdisciplinary study of Black politics, one grounded in Black and women’s studies approaches to political science.
60 The CRP’s findings on high school dropout rates are also disturbing. 61 Tracking also remains a serious problem. 62 The CRP observes that “black children . . 63 The underclass, thus, is the result of structural racial and gender inequality in the United States. The BCPP, propagated by conservatives, denies the historical and contemporary effects of racism and explains poverty and Black social crises as a function of Black cultural ineptitude. Importantly, although conservative Republicans actively promoted the BCPP as a means of undermining race-based policies and family welfare programs, the BCPP has become the conventional wisdom regarding Black economic inequality, enjoying support even in Black communities.
The self-help politics advocated by Black nationalists and conservatives, however, puts a primacy on internal social and economic development in Black communities, and generally eschews actions designed to make government more responsive to the needs and conditions of African Americans. Self-help politics, so conceived, basically serves as a compromise to status quo political, social, and economic arrangements. Moreover, this form of self-help politics misses the point that the participation and status of Blacks in the larger political community establishes the parameters within which Black social organization and economic development transpire.