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By Julius Evola

During this booklet, Julius Evola analyses the Fascist stream of Italy, which he himself had skilled first-hand, usually as a vocal critic, all through its whole heritage from 1922 until eventually 1945. Discussing - and brushing aside - the misuse of the time period 'fascism' that has won frequent attractiveness, Evola asks readers to not let the actual fact of Italy's defeat within the moment global conflict to distract us from making an aim research of the ideology of Fascism itself, because the defeat was once the results of contingent situations and the personalities of these who led it, instead of flaws that have been inherent in Fascism as an idea. Evola praises these points of Fascism which he believes to were in response to the easiest traditions of eu governance, particularly the Classical Roman culture, whereas he continues to be serious of these features which ran opposite to this perfect, resembling its socialist, proletarian and totalitarian trends, in addition to what he observed as its petty moralism. Evola additionally distinguishes among the Fascism of the 'Twenty Years' among 1922 and Mussolini's overthrow in 1943, and the 'Second Fascism' of the Italian Social Republic, which he regarded as even more challenging. He likewise criticises the Fascist racial doctrine for being according to fake ideas. usually quoting Mussolini's personal phrases, Evola provides the middle of the Fascist perfect, arguing that, for all its flaws, it is still greater to the political procedure which has due to the fact arisen to exchange it. Julius Evola (1898-1974) was once Italy's premiere traditionalist thinker, in addition to a metaphysician, social philosopher and activist. Evola was once an expert at the world's esoteric traditions and one of many maximum critics of modernity. He wrote broadly at the historic civilisations of either East and West and the area of culture, and was once additionally a critic of the political and religious activities of his personal time from a standard point of view.

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Here and there in Fascism there appeared the aberrant formula of the ‘state of labour’, loudly proclaimed by the new constitution of the democratic state of Italy. Besides the concept of the ‘ethical state’ (the pedagogical state for spiritual minors), there were those who outlined the even more undesirable one of a ‘humanism of labour’ (here again we are talking about Giovanni Gentile). All this was merely the dross, the unessential and invalid parts of Fascism. In fact, from the mouth of Mussolini himself, Fascism explicitly proclaimed, ‘Corporations belong to the order of means and not to that of ends’ (1934).

In one of our recent works[99] we indicated that the principal cause of the existential crisis of contemporary man was precisely the attainment of a ‘negative’ liberty, with which, in the end, one does not know what to do, given the lack of sense and the absurdity of modern society. In truth, personality and liberty can be conceived only on the basis of the individual’s freeing himself, to a certain degree, from the naturalistic, biological and primitively individualist bonds that characterise the pre-state and pre-political forms in a purely social, utilitarian and contractual sense.

Today no one pays attention to it, but there exists a clear chasm between the natural authority of a real leader and an authority based on an amorphous power, and the capacity or art we have talked about of arousing the emotional and irrational forces of the masses, under the influence of an exceptional individual. To clarify, we shall say that in a traditional system, people obey or become rabble or subjects on the basis of what Nietzsche called the ‘pathos of distance’,[138] that is, because they feel they are confronting someone who is almost of a different nature.

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