By Rogers Brubaker
"Despite a quarter-century of constructivist theorizing within the social sciences and arts, ethnic teams stay conceived as entities and solid as actors. reporters, policymakers, and researchers often body debts of ethnic, racial, and nationwide clash because the struggles of internally homogeneous, externally bounded ethnic teams, races, and countries. In doing so, they unwittingly undertake the language of individuals in such struggles, and give a contribution to the reification of ethnic groups.In this well timed and provocative quantity, Rogers Brubaker--well identified for his paintings on immigration, citizenship, and nationalism--challenges this pervasive and common sense ""groupism."" yet he doesn't easily revert to straightforward constructivist tropes in regards to the fluidity and multiplicity of id. as soon as a bracing problem to traditional knowledge, constructivism has grown complacent, even cliched. That ethnicity is developed is usual; this quantity presents new insights into the way it is built. through transferring the analytical concentration from identification to identifications, from teams as entities to group-making tasks, from shared tradition to categorization, from substance to method, Brubaker exhibits that ethnicity, race, and country will not be issues on this planet yet views at the global: methods of seeing, examining, and representing the social world."
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Extra resources for Ethnicity without Groups
Acknowledgment that identity is multiple is rarely followed by explanation of why that --] A Mala • Female ::: Marrrage Figure 1. A segmentary patrilineage. Lines represent descent; marriage partners come from another lineage; children of daughters belong to the lineage of the husband and arc not shown; children of sons belong to this lineage and are represented here. 50 . Beyond "Identity" set A gets into a conflict with someone in set B, such a person may well try to invoke the commonality of "A-ness" to mobilize people against B.
Sanjek 1981; Leach 1954; Kunstadter 1979; Moerman 1965). A common thread in studies of everyday classification is the recognition that ordinary actors usually have considerable room for maneuver in the ways in which they use even highly institutionalized and powerfully sanctioned categories (Baumann 1996; S6kefeld 1999; Alexander 1977; Levine 1987; Berreman 1972; Dominguez 1986; Kay 1978; Sanjek 1981; Starr 1978). They are often able to deploy such categories strategically, bending them to their own purposes; or they Ethnicity as Cognition .
African kings asserted their authority by developing patrimonial relations with people from different lineages, creating a core of support that cut across lineage affiliations, but they also used lineage principles to consolidate their own power, contracting marriage alliances and expanding the royal lineage (Lonsdale 1981). In almost all societies, kinship concepts serve as symbolic and ideological resources, yet while they shape norms, self-understandings and perceptions of affinity, they do not necessarily produce kinship "groups" (Guyer 1981; Amselle 1990).