By Pieter Vanhuysse
Regardless of dramatic raises in poverty, unemployment, and social inequalities, the significant and jap ecu transitions from communism to industry democracy within the Nineteen Nineties were remarkably peaceable. This booklet proposes a brand new cause of this unforeseen political quiescence. It indicates how reforming governments in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic were in a position to hinder huge waves of moves and protests by means of the strategic use of welfare country courses comparable to pensions and unemployment advantages. Divide and Pacify explains how social rules have been used to avoid mammoth activity losses with softening hard work marketplace rules, or to separate up hugely aggrieved teams of staff in precarious jobs via sending a few of them onto unemployment advantages and so forth onto early retirement and incapacity pensions. From a slim financial perspective, those rules frequently immensely high priced or irresponsibly populist. but a extra inclusive social-scientific viewpoint can shed new mild on those probably irrational regulations through pointing to deeper political factors and wider sociological results.
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Additional info for Divide and Pacify: Strategic Social Policies and Political Protests in Post-Communist Democracies
37 Moreover, post-communist strike rates were comparable to that of the US (2), where the data would have been higher but for the exclusion of a potentially large number of strikes and lockouts. Data for Poland were available only for 1993 and 1994. Data for Germany were not available. Strikes and lockouts are defined as “temporary work stoppages willfully effected by one or more groups of workers and temporary closures of one or more places of employment by one or more employers with a view to enforcing or resisting a demand or expressing a grievance” (ILO, 1997, 273).
1). Similarly, employed West German working-age men recorded an average life satisfaction score 9 percent higher than that of those not in the labor force (such as pensioners and housewives), and 31 percent higher than that of the unemployed (computed from Winkelmann and Winkelmann 1998, 5). 15 On the causes of transitional unemployment, see Boeri (1994; 1997a;b); Boeri et al. (1998), Kornai (1994). 16 As Daniel Kahneman, Amos Tversky, and collaborators have shown, psychological wellbeing is affected especially by changes with respect to a prior reference level, with losses being more highly valued than equivalent gains (Tversky and Kahneman, 1981; 1987; Quattrone and Tversky, 1988; Kahneman and Tversky, 2000; Mercer, 2005).
A. a. a. 31 21 11 1 8 1 14 8 6 2 Notes: For each country, the yearly number of workers involved in strikes and lockouts (in thousands) was divided by the size of the population aged 15–64 in 1994 (in millions). 37. Data for Germany exclude public administration stoppages and include stoppages lasting less than one day if more than 100 workdays were not worked. 2) and World Bank (1996, 194–195, table 4). A second way of gauging the scale of industrial disruption in the polity is by looking at the adjusted number of workdays lost as a result of strikes and lockouts.