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By Jeffrey G. Williamson

Dealing with urban progress assesses British functionality with urban development through the First commercial Revolution through combining the instruments utilized by 3rd global analysts with the archival consciousness and eclectic variety of the commercial historian. What emerges is an exhilarating and provocative new account of a really previous challenge. the talk over 3rd international urban progress is infrequently new, and will be present in the British Parliamentary Papers as early because the 1830s, in treatises via political economists, and within the British Press. This e-book may still swap the best way city historical past is written sooner or later and impression the best way we predict approximately modern 3rd international towns.

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1866" refers to total births and total deaths, 1861-1870, converted into annual averages, and the rates calculated relative to 1861 and 1871 average populations: from Registrar General Annual Reports, PP 1872 (v. 17) and 1875 (v. 18). In Appendix 8 (pp. : Harvard, 1981), the authors argue that the Registrar General undercounted births and deaths, especially births and especially early in the period 1841-1871. 5 (p. 636) shows exactly the extent of the undercount which they assumed was the case.

Two demographers, Andrei Rogers (1984, chp. 11) and Nathan 24 Coping with city growth Keyfitz (1980), have shown that the answer depends on which point in the urban transition the assessment is made: At some intermediate point in the urban transition most countries tend to switch from migrationdriven to urban-natural-increase-driven city growth. What about English experience? 5 However, immigration's contribution to city growth was considerably greater early in the century, and the crossover point - where the contribution of natural increase begins to exceed immigration - appears in the 1810s and 1820s.

That rural emigration rates rose while urban immigration rates fell may seem odd, but the arithmetic was almost inevitable. After all, these rates are calculated as the ratio of migration flows to a population base, and because the urban population base enjoyed fast growth (augmented by immigrants) while the rural population base did not (depleted by emigrants) city immigration and rural emigration rates would have moved in opposite directions almost inevitably. These measured rates of rural emigration appear to be inconsistent with the allegation that English farm laborers were reluctant to move, and that the agricultural counties were full of "a vast, inert mass of redundant labor" who were "immobile" (Redford, 1926, pp.

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