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By Dina Zisserman-Brodsky

Dissident ethnic networks have been a very important self reliant establishment within the Soviet Union. Voicing the discontent and resentment of the outer edge on the rules of the guts or metropole, the dissident writings, referred to as samizdat highlighted anger at deprivations imposed within the political, cultural, social, and financial spheres. Ethnic dissident writings drew on values either inner to the Soviet procedure and overseas as assets of legitimation; they met a divided response between Russians, with a few privileging the harmony of the Soviet Union and others sympathetic to the rhetoric of nationwide rights. This specialise in nationwide, instead of person rights, in addition to the appropriation of ethnonationalism through political elites, is helping clarify advancements because the fall of the Soviet Union, together with the superiority of authoritarian governments in newly autonomous states of the previous Soviet Union.

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Additional info for Constructing Ethnopolitics in the Soviet Union: Samizdat, Deprivation and the Rise of Ethnic Nationalism

Example text

In 1957, republic-based Councils of National Economy, answerable to the republican governments, were established in place of ministries. Leaders of republican governments were organized in the All-Union Council of Ministers and the republics enjoyed greater independence in economic, planning, and budgetary matters. The most powerful impetus underlying Khrushchev’s nationality policy seems to have been the creation of a homogeneous Soviet society. ”25 The Program indicated that the main focuses of Khrushchev’s policy were cultural-linguistic russification and internal migration.

Most republican institutions with executive power were subordinated to their respective, central, Moscow-based bodies. Situational domination manifested itself in the overrepresentation of Russians in the party, state, and professional elites of the Union and its autonomous units. Basing himself on the Soviet periodical Revoliutsiia i natsional’nosti (1930), Conquest cited the following data. In 1922, Russians comprised 72 percent of the party’s total membership. 4 percent of Ukrainian Communists considered Russian to be their native language.

33 These examples seem to comprise a more or less exhaustive list of anti-modernization statements in non-Russian ethnic samizdat. 34 Between the 1960s and the 1980s all ethnic minority movements, regardless of their religious and ethnic identification, demonstrated strong pro-Western orientations. They not only advocated Western-style democracy for their fellow nationalities, but also expressed their allegiance to Western policy and social values and stressed the dissociation of their peoples from the Soviet regime and policies.

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