By Nathalie Karagiannis
Post-colonial ecu politics have gone through profound adjustments. developing an highbrow background of ecu improvement discourse, this e-book brings jointly post-structuralist and important methods to knowing improvement. Nathalie Karagiannis analyses 3 keyword phrases of ecu improvement discourse: ‘responsibility’, ‘efficiency’ and ‘giving’. Situating those phrases in a concrete historical past of eu post-colonial politics, the writer exhibits how ecu coverage has shifted from accepting accountability for colonialism – developed because it is at the paternalistic version of the reward – to a extra amnesiac politics during which post-colonial nations are accountable for their very own destiny. during this means, Karagiannis illustrates that potency has turn into the overriding aim of improvement, and that the connection among ‘developed’ and ‘developing’ nations is especially outlined via concerns touching on marketplace capitalism.
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Extra info for Avoiding Responsibility: The Politics and Discourse of European Development Policy
21 Under the Reaganite mix of social conservatism and economic neo-liberalism, efﬁciency of aid is so self-evident that it does not take precedence anymore. It has become an almost undiscussed (and undiscussable) goal. 23 In this way, American pragmatism in development matters may well have become romanticist: it has been turned on its head, having refused the principle of its own position, and having turned efﬁciency into another conserved principle. If, according to Hartz’s aphorism on American pragmatism, ‘it is only when you take your ethics for granted that all problems emerge as problems of technique’, could it not also be that problems of technique become your taken-for-granted ethics?
In other words, America becomes an America characterised by oneness only when it must face that which is outside it. This is due to the discomfort America has when faced with difference, a discomfort first sensed and unavowed with regard to its own domestic situation: not accepting its own heterogeneity, it will always feel threatened by that which may produce such heterogeneity from the outside. America cannot bear doubt. 58 We immediately grasp the close connection between a conceptualisation of America as a community and its conceptualisation as a renegade of social conﬂict; and we immediately see its relevance, in development discourse and foreign policy more generally.
While Europeans increasingly refused to take into account their colonial past as a justiﬁcation for contemporary responsibility, the Americans’ stance changed in the opposite direction. Until then, they had constantly deplored colonialism and imperialism. Truman, for instance said: ‘the old imperialism – exploitation for foreign proﬁt – has no place in our plans. ’ But then they slowly substituted their own inﬂuence (be it ﬁnancial or military) in the ex-colonies for that of the Europeans. How can this evolution co-exist with America’s passion for freedom?