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By B. Tibi

The 3rd version features a new half 5 at the tensions among Arab nationalism and Islam coming up from the problem of the countryside and of the de-legitimisation of Pan-Arab regimes. the results of the Arab defeat within the Six-Day conflict 1967 and the increase of political Islam within the Seventies are the point of interest of the recent half. The historical past of the research of the impression and serve as of nationalism and its contribution to social and political switch within the 3rd global, taking the increase of nationalism within the center East as a old instance. Professor Tibi concentrates at the interval after the 1st global battle, whilst many Arab intellectuals grew to become disappointed with Britain and France a result of profession in their nations. One concentration of this research are the writings and impression of Sati' al-Husri on center japanese politics. Professor Tibi illustrates the relationship among sleek Arab nationalism and nineteenth-century German Romantic nationalism, so one can be of specific curiosity to the English reader. Professor Tibi concludes that whereas nationalism has performed an important and significant function within the circulate for nationwide independence within the center East, it has on the grounds that constructed into an ideology which turns out to impede additional social and political emancipation. This 3rd version, introduced thoroughly modern through a considerable new advent and new concluding chapters, might be of specific curiosity to historians and social scientists facing nationalism and crises of the countryside in addition to to scholars of the center East and modern Islam.

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Arab Nationalism: Between Islam and the Nation State

The 3rd variation features a new half 5 at the tensions among Arab nationalism and Islam bobbing up from the difficulty of the geographical region and of the de-legitimisation of Pan-Arab regimes. the results of the Arab defeat within the Six-Day conflict 1967 and the increase of political Islam within the Nineteen Seventies are the point of interest of the recent half.

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As Michael Hudson has put it: 'In a political culture noted for effectivity and the persisting salience of . . primordial identifications, Arabism must coexist or compete with certain other parochial but intensely held corporate identifications . . It is too easy to assume that modernization is performing an assimilationist melting pot function in the area'. 73 The objective set-up of the international system of nation-states imposed on the former parts of the Ottoman Empire has been an external structure.

115 Despite this variety of cultural systems there is an Islamic civilisation. Islamism aims at establishing a civilisationconsciousness to replace Pan-Arab nationalism. Pan-Arabism in its old pre-1967 form is dead. e. a system of regional cooperation based on the national sovereignty of the participating states. Since the Gulf War, security concerns seem to be perceived as more important than the urgently needed economic cooperation. 116 The idea of a great comprehensive Arab state stretching from the Atlantic to the Gulf, a dream articulated in an Arabic song I once learned at school in Damascus as a young boy, is no longer a political aspiration.

This is the subject of Part III of this book in which I deal with the resort of Arab nationalists to the German idea of nation as a Gemeinshaft rather than a societe related to a nation etat. As did their German counterparts the Arabs conceived the Arab nation as an organic entity and not as a political community based on free will, nationality elective. This changeover from liberal anglophone and francophone nationalism to a form of nationalism modelled on that of the nineteenth-century German Romantics is one of the characteristic features of the voluminous works of Sati' al-Husri.

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