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Explores the ways that the countryside and nationalism are challenged by means of modern realities. This quantity addresses changes to our realizing of nationwide sovereignty, difficulties posed by means of violent clash among rival nationwide initiatives, the feasibility of postnationalist democracy and citizenship, and the talk over worldwide justice.
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Additional resources for After the Nation?: Critical Reflections on Nationalism and Postnationalism (International Political Theory)
Well, pace Hall, India not only remains united but it is also on its way to becoming a world power as a multiethnic and vibrant multilingual democracy with an exemplary asymmetrical devolution of governance. 2 Modernism simply got it wrong. The case of ethnosymbolism as expressed in the work of Anthony Smith is rather different and more perplexing because of its paradoxical claims with regard to the nation-state. At first glance, ethnosymbolism presents an argument that is inspiring and attractive for those who wish to explain the resurgence of cultural minorities of different kinds and sorts, including the Jewish people among many others.
However, for the interpretative convergence to be complete the teleology of the nation-state needs to surface in ethnosymbolic theory. Here, perhaps, is the reason why the idea of the nation-state appears deus ex machina in ethnosymbolic analyses. In this regard, the affinity between ethnosymbolism and political Zionism uncovered by Gal (2007) is not coincidental. Yet the Jewish Ephraim Nimni 31 historiographic tradition is rich and plural, and the political Zionist interpretation is just one among many – a modern view of Jewish history tainted with the axioms of a now archaic nineteenth-century Central European nationalist model.
Here the governmental process is not one of discrete, centralized, homogeneous units, as in the old nation-state model, but one in which governance is understood as a multilayered 24 After the Nation? 1 These new forms of democratic administration emerged precisely because they came to terms with a problem that broke the back of old versions of national sovereignty and centralized government. This problem is simultaneously at the centre of the call for a paradigm change. The shift responds to the need to break with the oppressive governance of cultural minorities to avoid the pain and wanton destruction that result from the disaffection of these minorities and their demands to build new states, as well as the need to find ways to provide national minorities with equal rights, governance, and political participation – without dismembering existing states.